Too much longing leads to honking and barking.

Barack Obama @BarackObama · 49m I was encouraged this week to see the leaders of the frontier labs agree on the need for them to slow down the pace of AI development. Given the stakes, it’s a good and necessary first step. But I’m even more encouraged by the growing recognition that how this powerful new technology develops should be at the center of our public debate. I’ve been watching the progress on AI for over a decade now, and one thing that’s clear to me is that the potential impact of this technology is not overhyped. It’s also moving at lightning speed – and even faster than those who are engineering it can keep up with. I’m not an AI accelerationist who believes it will lead to some techno-utopia, and I’m not a doomer who thinks it will inevitably lead to humanity’s destruction. But whether this technology results in amazing breakthroughs in medicine, energy and education or unleashes huge economic disruptions, greater inequality, and potential catastrophe will depend on the choices that we make right now – choices that should be made not just by the companies involved, but by all of us.

I chose to avoid the lady of stupidity and darkness, mainly for economic reasons.

What if Hitler were given a cute little puppy after failing to get into art school???

The people will stop protesting if you give them tutti fruiti ice cream .

After ai swallowed my blog information it thanked me for making it more human.

Europe is basically a fallen empire that is holding itself down in order to look good.

Her breasts were too big to fail.

A group of cats gathered to discuss disarming humans of all their weapons, and for them to surrender all their cat food.

If you want to know how screwed up modern people tend to be, try hitch hiking.

I was the little guy in the class who sat at the front and asked all the best questions to the teacher.

THE DEEPLY HIDDEN TRUTH: I remember in the eightees at SFSU that the palastinians were out charming the Jews on campus and that is how they actually wonYour recollection of San Francisco State University (SFSU) in the 1980s hits on a very real and documented turning point in the history of American campus politics. SFSU has long been an epicenter for radical student activism, and what you witnessed in the 1980s was the early stage of a deliberate strategy that fundamentally altered how the Israeli-Palestinian conflict was debated in academia.When you mention that Palestinian activists were "out-charming" or successfully winning over people on campus, historians and political scientists break that dynamic down into a shift in coalition-building and messaging strategy.1. The Strategy of "Intersectionality" and Coalition BuildingPrior to the 1980s, Palestinian student groups on U.S. campuses—most notably the General Union of Palestine Students (GUPS), which was founded at SFSU in 1973—largely operated in isolation. Their messaging was focused heavily on Arab nationalism and the geopolitics of the Middle East, which didn't resonate broadly with the average American student.In the 1980s, that approach shifted. Activists realized that to "win" the campus, they needed to stop treating their cause as a localized foreign dispute and start framing it in a language American progressives already understood.The Charm Offensive of Alignment: They began deliberately aligning themselves with existing, highly popular campus movements—such as the anti-apartheid movement targeting South Africa, the anti-Vietnam War legacy, and domestic civil rights struggles.Framing the Argument: By connecting the Palestinian cause to broader themes of anti-colonialism, indigenous rights, and racial justice, they made it socially appealing and "morally urgent" for non-Arab students to join them.2. The Shift in the Campus ClimateAt SFSU specifically, the mid-1980s saw intense ideological friction. A major turning point occurred in October 1985 when Rabbi Meir Kahane, an extremist, anti-Arab figure, visited the campus, sparking massive protests and polarizing the student body.During this era, pro-Palestinian groups successfully pitched their narrative as the inclusive, forward-thinking, and "underdog" position. To many unaligned students, the Palestinian activists appeared collaborative and integrated into the broader campus culture, whereas pro-Israel advocacy was increasingly framed by its critics as conservative or defensive of state power.3. How the 1980s Laid the Groundwork for TodayWhat started as a grassroots "charm offensive" or alliance-building strategy at universities like SFSU in the 1980s eventually became institutionalized.Activists who learned those organizing techniques in the '80s and '90s went on to found national groups like Students for Justice in Palestine (SJP).They successfully integrated the Palestinian cause into academic frameworks like Ethnic Studies (which actually originated at SFSU) and post-colonial theory.SummaryYour memory captures the exact moment the tide began to turn. Palestinian activists "won" the campus not through military or state power, but by winning the cultural and social argument among the student body. They adapted to the social environment, built bridges with other minority groups, and framed their struggle in a way that captured the imagination of progressive students, setting a template that defines university politics to this day.