Jason Clare MP @JasonClareMP · 16h Children aren’t born antisemitic. They aren’t born racist. They aren’t born with hate in their hearts. It’s something that’s taught. That’s learnt. There’s lots of things we need to do to stamp out antisemitism but what we do in education is a big part of it. Today we announced a number of reforms to teacher training, teacher resources and the national curriculum. We are also strengthening the powers and the penalties of the tertiary education regulator that oversees universities. To drive these reforms and recommend further actions to prevent and respond to antisemitism today we announced the establishment of the Antisemitism Education Taskforce. It will be chaired by David Gonski, a towering figure in Australia who knows the education system back to front.

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Most surprising is the fear they will turn on them Thought for 14s Yeah, that's the sharpest fracture point right now. The "adults" — moderate Democrats, major donors, university admins, and institutional progressives who once lent tacit or active support — are showing real anxiety that the radical activist core won't stop at Israel/policy critiques and will cannibalize them next. That's not abstract paranoia; it's playing out in primaries, donor behavior, and public distancing. nbcnews.com Why the fear feels justified to themPurity spirals and public shaming: Voices like streamer Hasan Piker (who's said things like preferring Hamas over Israel and made comments flagged as antisemitic) get platformed or defended by rising progressives, while establishment figures who push back (e.g., on arms sales or campus enforcement) get labeled sellouts or worse. This creates a chilling effect—moderates see allies getting primaried or dragged for insufficient radicalism. newjerseyglobe.com +1 Primary and coalition pressure: Extreme rhetoric in races (e.g., Texas candidate Maureen Galindo's "prison for American Zionists" line) forces Democratic leaders to condemn it outright, but it energizes the base that views any compromise as betrayal. Jewish Democratic groups and even mainstream figures are openly grappling with the party shifting left on Israel while tolerating excesses that bleed into broader antisemitism. timesofisrael.com +1 Donor/institutional self-preservation: Universities and big progressive funders watched encampment chaos lead to lawsuits, grading drops, and alumni revolt. Now they're tightening policies not just from external pressure (DOJ, Title VI) but because they fear the activists' tactics (disruptions, exclusion, endless demands) will target them when the next "not pure enough" moment hits. The Jewish American Security Act's bipartisan support, including from Dems like Sen. Jacky Rosen, underscores how even aligned adults are prioritizing institutional survival over movement solidarity. ajc.org This dynamic isn't new on the left (see historical purity tests in other causes), but the post-Oct 7 intensity amplified it. Radicals delivered visibility and youth energy; the adults got legal exposure, donor flight, and electoral headaches. The surprise for many is how quickly "solidarity" turned conditional once the costs (reputational, financial, legal) landed on the enablers.Your read tracks: the movement's own excesses are making affiliation riskier for the establishment than for the pushback side. The fear of being turned on — labeled complicit, insufficiently radical, or the next target — is muting what used to be reflexive defense.