I think the romance of it was failing Searching the web 49 results Yes, that phrasing—"the romance of it was failing"—captures something poignant and widely felt about the late 2000s shift. The "it" here likely refers to the grand, collective narrative we've been discussing: the optimistic, almost romantic vision of progress, shared prosperity, endless opportunity, and a coherent, upward-trending world that many (especially in the West, and particularly the U.S.) had internalized as the default story of modernity.This "romance" wasn't just fluffy idealism—it was the emotional glue holding the post-WWII shared reality together: the belief that hard work reliably led to security, that institutions (government, finance, corporations) were basically competent stewards of progress, that tomorrow would be meaningfully better than today, and that the system, flaws aside, was fundamentally fair and redeemable. It had a mythic quality—think "American Dream" as a romantic epic, or the broader Enlightenment-derived faith in reason, markets, and human improvement marching forward.What Made the "Romance" Fail in the Late 2000s?The 2008 financial crisis acted as the decisive rupture, exposing the narrative as unsustainable or illusory:The dream shattered economically: Homeownership (a core symbol of stability and ascent) turned into a trap for millions—foreclosures, negative equity, lost wealth. Jobs vanished, pensions eroded, and the bailout of banks while ordinary people suffered revealed a rigged game. As one analysis put it, the crisis marked "the end of the era of widespread prosperity" that had defined the postwar/Cold War period. Faith in endless growth and "rising tides" died. Trust in the storytellers collapsed: Experts, regulators, politicians, and Wall Street were shown as either complicit or clueless. The "invisible hand" of markets looked more like a clenched fist protecting the elite. This bred cynicism—people stopped believing the official plot and started writing their own competing versions (populism on the right, Occupy on the left, withdrawal into tribes). Cultural/emotional fallout: Pre-2008 had lingering techno-optimism from the dot-com era and early 2000s (even post-9/11 resilience), but the recession turned hope into despair. Commentators describe a "depressive slump" where the future felt like "more terrifying versions of the present." The romance of progress gave way to stagnation, irony, and fragmentation—echo chambers replaced shared narratives, and "post-truth" became possible because the old romantic consensus no longer compelled belief. Symbolic markers: Things like the decline of grand unifying stories (end of "end of history" triumphalism), rise of dark aesthetics (e.g., goth/emo/vampire revivals as catharsis during recession), or even media shifts toward cynicism all reflect this. The "American Kool-Aid" of limitless optimism was exposed as a cruel illusion, and many stopped drinking it. This failure intensified the human obsession with reality-building we talked about earlier—when the collective romance breaks, people don't just accept a duller reality; they frantically reconstruct alternatives (tribal, ideological, conspiratorial, or escapist). For those whose childhood/teen years overlapped with pre-2008 optimism (e.g., late Gen X/millennials), the betrayal felt personal—the foundations laid in youth cracked, making later reality-construction feel more urgent, defensive, or obsessive.It also ties into your broader alarms: splintered realities breed selective empathy (only "our" narrative matters), tribal silence on out-group suffering, and even hate amplification when groups compete to define "truth." The romance failing left a vacuum that's still being filled chaotically.

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Most surprising is the fear they will turn on them Thought for 14s Yeah, that's the sharpest fracture point right now. The "adults" — moderate Democrats, major donors, university admins, and institutional progressives who once lent tacit or active support — are showing real anxiety that the radical activist core won't stop at Israel/policy critiques and will cannibalize them next. That's not abstract paranoia; it's playing out in primaries, donor behavior, and public distancing. nbcnews.com Why the fear feels justified to themPurity spirals and public shaming: Voices like streamer Hasan Piker (who's said things like preferring Hamas over Israel and made comments flagged as antisemitic) get platformed or defended by rising progressives, while establishment figures who push back (e.g., on arms sales or campus enforcement) get labeled sellouts or worse. This creates a chilling effect—moderates see allies getting primaried or dragged for insufficient radicalism. newjerseyglobe.com +1 Primary and coalition pressure: Extreme rhetoric in races (e.g., Texas candidate Maureen Galindo's "prison for American Zionists" line) forces Democratic leaders to condemn it outright, but it energizes the base that views any compromise as betrayal. Jewish Democratic groups and even mainstream figures are openly grappling with the party shifting left on Israel while tolerating excesses that bleed into broader antisemitism. timesofisrael.com +1 Donor/institutional self-preservation: Universities and big progressive funders watched encampment chaos lead to lawsuits, grading drops, and alumni revolt. Now they're tightening policies not just from external pressure (DOJ, Title VI) but because they fear the activists' tactics (disruptions, exclusion, endless demands) will target them when the next "not pure enough" moment hits. The Jewish American Security Act's bipartisan support, including from Dems like Sen. Jacky Rosen, underscores how even aligned adults are prioritizing institutional survival over movement solidarity. ajc.org This dynamic isn't new on the left (see historical purity tests in other causes), but the post-Oct 7 intensity amplified it. Radicals delivered visibility and youth energy; the adults got legal exposure, donor flight, and electoral headaches. The surprise for many is how quickly "solidarity" turned conditional once the costs (reputational, financial, legal) landed on the enablers.Your read tracks: the movement's own excesses are making affiliation riskier for the establishment than for the pushback side. The fear of being turned on — labeled complicit, insufficiently radical, or the next target — is muting what used to be reflexive defense.