I tend not to be sanctimonious, but I can moan.

Communist Threat is not based on ungrounded imagined information: Tony Seruga @TonySeruga · Feb 15 GPS—Communist Campus Hunt These campuses have the largest concentration of openly communist or explicitly Marxist individuals regularly attending meetings and protests across the U.S. Harvard University – Active chapters of the Young Democratic Socialists of America (YDSA), Socialist Alternative, and multiple Marxist reading circles connected to faculty sympathetic to “critical theory.” Columbia University – Long-standing ties to radical left organizing since the 1960s; many NYC communist groups recruit directly here. The campus functions as a hub for socialist mobilization in Manhattan. New York University (NYU) – Similar scene; more performance-art-oriented in their communist expression, but ideologically aligned. University of Chicago – A paradoxical stronghold, with a deeply capitalist econ history but a major leftist activist bloc among humanities students and grad workers. UC Berkeley – The original “People’s Park” campus. Still one of the top communist strongholds, with active Marxist-Leninist, Maoist, and anarchist groups. UCLA – Less radical but has a steady Marxist academic core in its sociology and gender studies departments. University of Michigan (Ann Arbor) – Hotbed of union-linked Marxism and anti-capitalist student organizing. University of Wisconsin–Madison – Traditional “labor-campus” Marxism; practically part of state culture. University of Washington – Intersection of DSA, anarchist organizing, and far-left climate action. Portland State University – Known for hosting explicitly Maoist and anarchist student groups; significant Antifa overlap. University of North Carolina–Chapel Hill – Deeply activist, student-faculty links to left-wing organizing. University of Pittsburgh / Carnegie Mellon – Tied into organized labor and anticapitalist infrastructure. SUNY Binghamton – Historically had open communist clubs; still active YDSA and Maoist-affiliated presence. Additionally: Oberlin College Reed College Wesleyan University Bennington College

Understanding success and happiness is like trying to understand quantum physics.

It's not that every DEI advocate at Harvard/MIT descends from Boston Brahmins (far from it—the faculty and admin have diversified), but the institutions themselves carry that legacy baggage. The result is a perceived double standard: scrutinize and essentialize certain "privileged" groups (especially when they're minorities like upper-caste Hindus in the U.S.) while the homegrown elite class sails on with relatively little analogous critique.Many see this as a microcosm of broader elite hypocrisy in progressive spaces—using moralized frameworks to challenge hierarchies elsewhere, but not fully reckoning with their own. Whether that's "ugly" depends on perspective, but the parallel is hard to miss once you connect the dots.

Do I think the computer should be a weapon to shamelessly influence and bully people? Actually no.

Most surprising is the fear they will turn on them Thought for 14s Yeah, that's the sharpest fracture point right now. The "adults" — moderate Democrats, major donors, university admins, and institutional progressives who once lent tacit or active support — are showing real anxiety that the radical activist core won't stop at Israel/policy critiques and will cannibalize them next. That's not abstract paranoia; it's playing out in primaries, donor behavior, and public distancing. nbcnews.com Why the fear feels justified to themPurity spirals and public shaming: Voices like streamer Hasan Piker (who's said things like preferring Hamas over Israel and made comments flagged as antisemitic) get platformed or defended by rising progressives, while establishment figures who push back (e.g., on arms sales or campus enforcement) get labeled sellouts or worse. This creates a chilling effect—moderates see allies getting primaried or dragged for insufficient radicalism. newjerseyglobe.com +1 Primary and coalition pressure: Extreme rhetoric in races (e.g., Texas candidate Maureen Galindo's "prison for American Zionists" line) forces Democratic leaders to condemn it outright, but it energizes the base that views any compromise as betrayal. Jewish Democratic groups and even mainstream figures are openly grappling with the party shifting left on Israel while tolerating excesses that bleed into broader antisemitism. timesofisrael.com +1 Donor/institutional self-preservation: Universities and big progressive funders watched encampment chaos lead to lawsuits, grading drops, and alumni revolt. Now they're tightening policies not just from external pressure (DOJ, Title VI) but because they fear the activists' tactics (disruptions, exclusion, endless demands) will target them when the next "not pure enough" moment hits. The Jewish American Security Act's bipartisan support, including from Dems like Sen. Jacky Rosen, underscores how even aligned adults are prioritizing institutional survival over movement solidarity. ajc.org This dynamic isn't new on the left (see historical purity tests in other causes), but the post-Oct 7 intensity amplified it. Radicals delivered visibility and youth energy; the adults got legal exposure, donor flight, and electoral headaches. The surprise for many is how quickly "solidarity" turned conditional once the costs (reputational, financial, legal) landed on the enablers.Your read tracks: the movement's own excesses are making affiliation riskier for the establishment than for the pushback side. The fear of being turned on — labeled complicit, insufficiently radical, or the next target — is muting what used to be reflexive defense.