The idea that the two paths—the "return to the center" and the "double down and fight" approaches—are essentially the same thing gets to a core paradox of modern politics. From your perspective, they're both about an emotional, rather than a strategic, reaction to a loss. The "Return to the Center" is, in this view, not a sober, rational choice but a desperate, reactive one. It's a retreat from a fight that was perceived to be lost, an attempt to go back to a place of comfort and familiarity, even if that place no longer exists. It's an emotional reaction to a perceived failure of progressive policies, and it can be seen as a form of appeasement. The "Double Down and Fight" approach is also, in this view, an emotional one. It's the refusal to accept defeat, the belief that the loss was a fluke and that the only solution is to push even harder. It's the angry and defiant response to a setback, a form of denial that the message itself might be part of the problem. In this sense, both responses are driven by the same fundamental human emotion: the inability to accept a painful reality. The party is in a state of crisis, and it is thrashing about, trying to find a way forward, but its two main options are both rooted in a deeply emotional and personal reaction to the loss. It's a classic human response to a difficult situation—the refusal to accept that a core belief system has been rejected by a significant portion of the population. This is where the "adult" conversation you mentioned comes in. The true "adult" choice would be to move beyond these two emotionally charged options and to engage in a more profound and difficult form of self-examination. It would require the party to ask itself a series of hard questions: Why did our message on DEI and social issues fail to resonate with a broad cross-section of the electorate, including our own base? Are there ways to talk about these issues that don't alienate the voters who are most concerned with the economy and their own financial well-being? How do we bridge the gap between our leadership and the voters we need to win? The current state of the Democratic Party, with its internal debates and lack of a clear leader, suggests that this kind of difficult self-examination is not yet happening. Instead, the party is locked in a struggle between two emotional extremes, neither of which seems to be a winning strategy. They are saying we will remain the way we are by these two methods. Neither will succeed right now. That's a powerful way to put it. You're saying that the two proposed solutions are, in fact, non-solutions. They are both emotional reactions that fail to address the fundamental problem, which means the party is likely to remain in its current state of crisis. This is a view that is gaining traction among a number of political observers and even some within the Democratic Party itself. There's a growing sense that the party is stuck in a loop, repeating the same patterns and making the same mistakes. The "Return to the Center" is not a true change in strategy. It's a reaction to a loss, but it doesn't solve the underlying issue of a party that has become disconnected from its base. It's an attempt to win back voters by offering them a slightly different version of the same thing, which may not be enough to inspire them. The "Double Down and Fight" is a form of denial. It's the belief that the party's platform is not the problem, but rather that the voters are. This approach is not a strategic plan for the future but a defiant refusal to accept a painful reality.
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AntisemitismCanada In 2026, Tulsa And Panama Are Courting Canadian Jews As Antisemitism Redefines The Cost Of Staying As antisemitism reaches unprecedented levels across Canada, Jewish families and professionals are quietly reassessing their futures, and some are being actively courted elsewhere. Ron East By: Ron East December 31, 2025 SHARE A growing number of Canadian Jews are exploring relocation options A growing number of Canadian Jews are exploring relocation options as antisemitism intensifies and confidence in public protection erodes. (Image: Illustration.) TORONTO — For generations, Canada sold itself as a country where Jews could thrive without constantly looking over their shoulders. That assumption no longer holds for a growing number of Canadian Jews, particularly in the aftermath of October 7 and the months that followed. What has changed is not only the number of antisemitic incidents. It is the atmosphere. Public hostility has been normalized. Jewish schools, synagogues, and community centres operate under permanent security protocols. Anti-Jewish intimidation is increasingly framed as political expression. Enforcement is inconsistent. Accountability is rare. When Jewish life requires constant risk assessment, mobility stops being a luxury. It becomes a rational act of self-preservation. That reality helps explain why, in 2026, two very different destinations, Tulsa, Oklahoma, and Panama, are appearing with growing frequency in serious conversations among Canadian Jews who have the means and flexibility to move. This is not a panic migration. It is a strategic recalculation. Canada’s new warning lights Jewish Canadians represent a small fraction of the population, yet account for a vastly disproportionate share of reported hate crimes. This is not a perception problem. It is a documented pattern. More troubling than the statistics themselves is the message many Jews hear in response: concern, sympathy, and context, but little deterrence. Protests that spill into harassment are tolerated. Jewish institutions are targeted repeatedly. Antisemitism disguised as antizionism is parsed endlessly rather than confronted directly. The result is a slow erosion of confidence in the state’s willingness or ability to enforce equal protection. When a community moves from assuming it belongs to hoping nothing happens today, the social contract has already been fractured. It is within this context that Tulsa and Panama are not merely attracting attention but actively courting. Lech Le’Tulsa and intentional Jewish welcome Tulsa is not presenting itself as a refuge city. It is presenting itself as a place that wants Jewish life to grow. In 2026, that effort has taken concrete form through Lech Le’Tulsa, a Jewish-focused relocation initiative designed to attract Jewish families, professionals, and entrepreneurs to the Tulsa area. The program combines relocation assistance with intentional community building and access to Jewish infrastructure. The name is deliberate. Lech Lecha, the biblical call to go forth and build a future, is not branding by accident. It speaks directly to a Jewish historical instinct that understands movement not as retreat, but as agency. Lech Le’Tulsa offers what many Canadian Jews increasingly feel is missing at home: A clear signal that Jewish presence is welcomed, not merely accommodated Immediate access to synagogues, schools, and Jewish communal life A civic environment where Jewish identity is not treated as a liability The financial incentives matter, but the social architecture matters more. Tulsa is offering a landing ramp. It is saying, we are prepared for you to arrive. That clarity stands in stark contrast to the ambiguity Canadian Jews experience when their safety concerns are acknowledged but endlessly deferred. Panama and the appeal of optionality Panama represents a different but equally rational response to insecurity. For Canadian Jews with international mobility, Panama offers residency pathways tied to investment, business activity, or long-term economic contribution. It also offers something increasingly valuable: optionality. Panama has an established Jewish community, a comparatively lower cost of living, and an immigration framework that openly courts skilled and capital-carrying residents. For some, it is a permanent relocation. For others, it is a second base, a contingency plan, or a future passport pathway. What matters is not the destination itself, but the logic behind the choice. When Jews seek second options, they are not rejecting diaspora life. They are applying historical lessons. Jewish continuity has always depended on redundancy, resilience, and the ability to move before crisis becomes catastrophe. The Zionist lens Canadians prefer to ignore Zionism does not deny the legitimacy of diaspora life. It insists that Jews must never be dependent on the goodwill of others for safety or equality. That lesson was written in blood long before the modern State of Israel existed. Israel institutionalized it at a national level. Individual Jews apply it on a personal level. When Canadian Jews explore Tulsa or Panama, they are not abandoning Canada in anger. They are responding rationally to warning signs. They are building leverage. They are ensuring their children have options. This is what Zionist consciousness looks like outside Israel. It is quiet, pragmatic, and unsentimental. An indictment Canada should take seriously Tulsa and Panama are not superior societies. They are intentional ones. Tulsa is saying, we want contributors, and we are prepared to integrate them. Panama is saying, we want residents and investment, and we have clear legal pathways. Canada, too often, is saying something else entirely: we are sorry you feel unsafe, but the politics are complicated. A serious country does not treat antisemitism as a public relations challenge. It treats it as a threat to civic order. That requires enforcement, deterrence, and moral clarity, including the willingness to name antisemitism even when it hides behind fashionable political language. Until that happens, Canada should not be surprised when Jews quietly explore exit ramps. The bottom line In 2026, the fact that Tulsa and Panama can plausibly court Canadian Jews is not an oddity. It is a warning. When antisemitism reaches levels that fundamentally alter how Jews calculate their futures, movement becomes strategy. History teaches Jews to act before apologies arrive too late. Canada still has time to reverse this trajectory. But time matters. And Jews, having learned this lesson repeatedly, are no longer inclined to wait.
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