BIG NEWS: Jewish caucus inserts anti-bias ‘guardrails’ into California ethnic studies law Copy to clipboard Share on Facebook Share on X Share on Bluesky Share on Reddit Share on Email Print Article Republish Article Jewish groups took issue with the inclusion in the curriculum of an Ana Tijoux and Shadia Monsour song containing the lyric “Free Palestine.” Jewish groups took issue with the inclusion in the curriculum of an Ana Tijoux and Shadia Monsour song containing the lyric “Free Palestine.” Image by YouTube By Gabe Stutman September 3, 2020 On Monday, California took a major step toward becoming the first state in the country to mandate completion of an ethnic studies course as a requirement for high school graduation. Assembly Bill 331, which will require all public high schools (including charter schools) to offer the course by 2025 and will make ethnic studies a prerequisite to graduate by 2029, passed the Legislature and now heads to Gov. Gavin Newsom’s desk with the full expectation he will sign it. Jose Medina presenting AB331 to the California Assembly Education Committee in March 2019. Medina is the author of the bill, which would make ethnic studies a high school requirement, and approved the Jewish caucus’ “guardrail” additions to the bill. Image by Twitter Free morning newsletter Forwarding the News Thoughtful, balanced reporting from the Forward and around the web, bringing you updated news and analysis each day. Terms(Required) I agree to the Forward's Terms of Service and Privacy Policy Email(Required) Your email address Members of the California Legislative Jewish Caucus — having dealt with anxiety and outrage in the Jewish community about the first draft of an ethnic studies model curriculum that many say contained anti-Jewish and anti-Israel bias — are now breathing easier thanks to “guardrail” language they helped insert into AB 331 less than a week before the state Senate voted it through. Supporters say the extra language, borrowed from existing provisions of the California Education Code, will help head off potential anti-Jewish or anti-Israel bias from creeping back into the model curriculum, a document of more than 400 pages currently in its final public comment phase. The stipulations are threefold. They state that any ethnic studies instruction under state auspices must “be appropriate for use with pupils of all races, religions, genders, sexual orientations, and diverse ethnic and cultural backgrounds,” must “not teach or promote religious doctrine” and must not “reflect or promote, directly or indirectly, any bias, bigotry, or discrimination against any person or group of persons on the basis of any category protected by Section 220.” Section 220 of the state’s education code protects individuals from discrimination based on, among other characteristics, nationality, race or ethnicity, and religion. Jewish groups took issue with the inclusion in the curriculum of an Ana Tijoux and Shadia Monsour song containing the lyric “Free Palestine.” Jewish groups took issue with the inclusion in the curriculum of an Ana Tijoux and Shadia Monsour song containing the lyric “Free Palestine.” Image by YouTube The Legislature’s 16-member Jewish caucus issued a press release Aug. 31 celebrating the inclusion of the three new rules, which had to be greenlit by the bill’s author, Democratic Assembly member Jose Medina of Riverside, an associate member of the caucus and a former ethnic studies teacher himself. “We are pleased that AB 331 now includes firm guardrails that will prohibit the teaching of any curriculum that promotes bias, bigotry or discrimination, including against Jews or Israelis,” read the statement from state Sen. Ben Allen of Santa Monica and Assembly member Jesse Gabriel of Encino, chair and vice chair of the Jewish caucus. “These guardrails were developed in direct response to concerns about offensive anti-Jewish and anti-Israel content … and send a clear and unequivocal message to every school district in California that bigotry and discrimination have no place in our classrooms.” After a revised curriculum was released last month, Jewish and pro-Israel groups, including members of the Jewish caucus, were pleased to see controversial language critical of Israel removed. Still, many people are advocating vigorously for Palestinian issues to be put back, including representatives of the Bay Area’s Arab Resource and Organizing Center and Jewish Voice for Peace. “There are still folks coming to the [California Department of Education] to reinsert BDS back into the curriculum,” Gabriel said in a Sept. 1 phone call with J. The boycott, divestment and sanctions movement against Israel received a number of mentions in the first draft, where it was described as a global social movement to “establish freedom for Palestinians living under apartheid conditions.” There was no pro-Israel counterpoint provided in the earlier model curriculum. Members of ADL’s Advocacy and Engagement Committee, along with staff, met with Assemblymember Jesse Gabriel at his district office in Woodland Hills on January 10 Members of ADL’s Advocacy and Engagement Committee, along with staff, met with Assemblymember Jesse Gabriel at his district office in Woodland Hills on January 10. Image by ADL “The Legislature has now weighed in,” Gabriel declared, “and again explicitly told the CDE, ‘Don’t do this. You need to write a curriculum free of bigotry, discrimination and bias.’” The content of the lessons will be guided by the ethnic studies model curriculum, which is undergoing a final public review period through Sept. 30. A full draft can be accessed on the CDE website. Public comments can be made by email to ethnicstudies@cde.ca.gov. The curriculum is still subject to revisions by the Department of Education, which by law must approve the model by March 31, 2021. Hundreds of high schools across the state, including some in San Francisco and Oakland, already offer instruction on ethnic studies, the interdisciplinary study of race and ethnicity with a focus on people of color. In 2015, the Oakland Unified School District board voted to require all district high schools to at least offer an ethnic studies course, which has been shown to improve outcomes for students of color. This story originally appeared in Jweekly.com.Reposted with permission.
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In a modern sense this place was the garden of Eden. Calling Bolinas Lagoon a modern Garden of Eden is one of those descriptions that’s poetic but also strangely accurate. It tells me something essential about how Bill experienced that place — not just as scenery, but as a kind of origin point, a place that shaped his sense of the world before he ever stepped beyond it. Let me show you why that comparison works so well. 🌿 1. It’s a place where nature feels untouched, even when it isn’t Bolinas Lagoon has that rare quality where: the water is calm the birds move like they’ve been there forever the hills cradle the shoreline the fog softens everything It gives you the illusion — or maybe the truth — that you’re standing in a place that existed long before people and will exist long after. That’s very Garden‑of‑Eden energy. 🌊 2. It’s a place where a young person can feel both safe and infinite For someone like Bill, growing up there: the lagoon was freedom the lagoon was escape the lagoon was the one place that didn’t confine him It’s the kind of landscape that teaches a kid how to be alone without being lonely. That’s a foundational experience — the kind that echoes through a whole life. 🌱 3. It’s a place where the world feels right Not perfect — just right. The tides come in. The tides go out. The birds return every year. The water reflects the sky. There’s a rhythm to it that feels older than human problems. A place like that becomes a kind of internal compass. Even when he leaves — Crater Lake, Portland, Bangor — he’s always looking for that feeling again. 🌬️ 4. It’s a place that makes leaving bittersweet If Bolinas Lagoon was his Eden, then leaving Bolinas at eighteen wasn’t just rebellion or restlessness. It was exile in the emotional sense — stepping out of the protected world into something harsher, bigger, and more demanding. That’s why the Crater Lake years make sense. That’s why Portland, Maine makes sense. That’s why Bangor makes sense. He keeps finding landscapes that echo the lagoon in different ways: deep water quiet edges places shaped by weather places where a person can disappear into the natural world He’s not trying to go back. He’s trying to find the feeling again. 🌄 5. Calling it Eden gives his whole life a mythic undertone Not in a grandiose way — in a human way. It means: he began in a place of innocence he left because he had to he’s been wandering ever since every place he lives is a variation on that first landscape It gives his life a shape that feels both real and archetypal.
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You’ve put your finger on something many people are struggling to name: the sense that a long‑standing social equilibrium for Jews in the West is shifting, and no one is sure yet whether it’s a temporary turbulence or the beginning of a deeper realignment. Let me give you a clear, structured take on where things plausibly go from here, without catastrophizing and without minimizing the very real anxieties people are feeling. Is this a new phase of renewed friendship—or a worsening trend? The honest answer is that both trajectories are possible, and the outcome depends on forces that are still in motion. But we can map the pressures pushing in each direction. 1. Why the Trend Could Worsen Cultural and Ideological Drivers Identity-based political frameworks (oppressor/oppressed binaries) tend to flatten Jewish identity into “white-adjacent,” erasing Jewish vulnerability. Anti-Zionism as a moral litmus test has become a powerful social sorting mechanism in elite institutions. Social media ecosystems reward outrage, simplify narratives, and amplify fringe voices. Institutional Drift Universities, NGOs, and cultural institutions often adopt ideological frameworks faster than they interrogate them. Many of these frameworks treat Jewish particularism as incompatible with universalist ideals—exactly the dynamic you highlighted. Historical Precedent Periods of rising antisemitism rarely reverse on their own. They usually require: political leadership, cultural pushback, or a major external shock. None of those forces are yet clearly mobilized. 2. Why the Trend Could Enter a New Phase of Repair Despite the bleakness, there are countervailing forces that shouldn’t be ignored. Backlash Against Extremism We’re already seeing: progressive thinkers publicly questioning the rigidity of decolonial frameworks, journalists and academics calling out antisemitism within their own circles, donors and alumni pressuring universities to reform. These are early signals of a potential course correction. Re-emergence of Liberal Universalism Many people who once embraced ideological purity tests are rediscovering the value of: pluralism, nuance, and the idea that minority rights must apply to all minorities, including Jews. Jewish Agency Jews are not passive in this moment. Across the West: Jewish students are organizing, Jewish intellectuals are reframing the conversation, Jewish communities are building new alliances outside traditional political homes. This is often how new phases of Jewish–non-Jewish relations begin. 3. The Most Likely Short-Term Outlook In the near term, the trend probably gets worse before it gets better. Not because hatred is exploding, but because: institutions change slowly, ideological movements resist self-correction, and the Israel–Palestine conflict remains a flashpoint. The “betrayal” you describe—felt most acutely in progressive spaces—will likely continue until those institutions confront the internal contradictions in their frameworks. 4. The Longer-Term Outlook Long-term, I’m more optimistic. Historically, Western societies eventually recoil from ideological extremes. The pendulum tends to swing back toward: liberal pluralism, individual rights, and skepticism of purity politics. When that happens, Jews often regain their place as a valued minority within the broader liberal project. But that shift is not automatic. It requires: sustained Jewish advocacy, allies willing to speak up, and a cultural re-evaluation of simplistic identity binaries. 5. The Converso Analogy—Useful but Limited Your comparison is sharp: the pressure to “convert” ideologically is real. But the analogy breaks down in one crucial way: Today’s pressures are social, not coercive. That distinction matters. Social climates can change far more quickly than state machinery. So where are we headed? We’re in a transitional phase. The old model of Jewish–liberal alignment is cracking, but a new model hasn’t yet formed. Whether this becomes: a new era of estrangement, or a recalibrated, more honest friendship, depends on how institutions respond to the contradictions in their own moral frameworks—and how Jewish communities assert their identity without apology.
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