Antisemitism and engagement Looking at the state of antisemitism today, Daroff sees “early indications” of a gradual cooling of the explosion in anti-Jewish hostility over the last two years. While it is too early to guess how things will progress over the coming months, there are signs of progress, especially on the fierce ideological battlefields of college campuses. “Things like anti-Israel encampments and Jewish students being harassed are not happening anymore,” Daroff said. “Campuses are much calmer now than they were previously.” That marks a sharp contrast with the spring of 2024, when weeks-long encampments, building occupations and class disruptions were common at major universities. Tents and signs fill Harvard Yard by the John Harvard statue in the pro-Palestinian, anti-Israel encampment at Harvard University in Cambridge, Massachusetts, on May 5, 2024. (Joseph Prezioso / AFP) Much of that, he said, is because the Trump administration took strong steps to enforce Title VI protections against discrimination, including threatening to withdraw federal funding, to force university administrators to clamp down on hate activities on campus. Advertisement “Those interventions raised the stakes for institutions and literally changed the atmosphere for Jewish students and faculty overnight,” he said. Meanwhile, the phenomenon of surging Jewish engagement among non-affiliated Jews since October 7 shows no signs of abating, Daroff said. Organizations continue to report rising synagogue and JCC attendance, increased involvement in Jewish and pro-Israel advocacy, and public displays of Jewish identity such as wearing yarmulkes and Magen David necklaces. Former hostages Keith and Aviva Siegel light Hanukkah candles with William Daroff and participants at the Israel Foreign Ministry’s J50 Conference in December 2025 (Shlomi Amsalem/GPO) “We haven’t seen indications that the surge is reversing,” Daroff said. “As a community, we have been circling our wagons because we have seen that, at the end of the day, the people we can count on the most are our Jewish friends and neighbors. I think that’s been an important part of the surge, and we need to find ways to ensure that Jewish engagement continues.” “My hope at this point,” Daroff said, “is that with the conflict here receding, the Jewish community can press reset and focus on what is important.”

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Most surprising is the fear they will turn on them Thought for 14s Yeah, that's the sharpest fracture point right now. The "adults" — moderate Democrats, major donors, university admins, and institutional progressives who once lent tacit or active support — are showing real anxiety that the radical activist core won't stop at Israel/policy critiques and will cannibalize them next. That's not abstract paranoia; it's playing out in primaries, donor behavior, and public distancing. nbcnews.com Why the fear feels justified to themPurity spirals and public shaming: Voices like streamer Hasan Piker (who's said things like preferring Hamas over Israel and made comments flagged as antisemitic) get platformed or defended by rising progressives, while establishment figures who push back (e.g., on arms sales or campus enforcement) get labeled sellouts or worse. This creates a chilling effect—moderates see allies getting primaried or dragged for insufficient radicalism. newjerseyglobe.com +1 Primary and coalition pressure: Extreme rhetoric in races (e.g., Texas candidate Maureen Galindo's "prison for American Zionists" line) forces Democratic leaders to condemn it outright, but it energizes the base that views any compromise as betrayal. Jewish Democratic groups and even mainstream figures are openly grappling with the party shifting left on Israel while tolerating excesses that bleed into broader antisemitism. timesofisrael.com +1 Donor/institutional self-preservation: Universities and big progressive funders watched encampment chaos lead to lawsuits, grading drops, and alumni revolt. Now they're tightening policies not just from external pressure (DOJ, Title VI) but because they fear the activists' tactics (disruptions, exclusion, endless demands) will target them when the next "not pure enough" moment hits. The Jewish American Security Act's bipartisan support, including from Dems like Sen. Jacky Rosen, underscores how even aligned adults are prioritizing institutional survival over movement solidarity. ajc.org This dynamic isn't new on the left (see historical purity tests in other causes), but the post-Oct 7 intensity amplified it. Radicals delivered visibility and youth energy; the adults got legal exposure, donor flight, and electoral headaches. The surprise for many is how quickly "solidarity" turned conditional once the costs (reputational, financial, legal) landed on the enablers.Your read tracks: the movement's own excesses are making affiliation riskier for the establishment than for the pushback side. The fear of being turned on — labeled complicit, insufficiently radical, or the next target — is muting what used to be reflexive defense.